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What Would a Biden Presidency Mean For US-India Relations?

August 25, 2020
What Would a Biden Presidency Mean For US-India Relations?
Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden and his running mate, California Senator Kamala Harris. 
SOURCE: BUSINESS INSIDER/GETTY IMAGES

Despite the widespread notion that the ideological similarities between India’s right-wing government under BJP’s Narendra Modi and Donald Trump’s conservative Republican administration make them suitable partners, there is no denying that relations between the two countries over the last four years have been far from smooth sailing.

Rather than focusing on building trust, reciprocity, and a shared vision of future cooperation between the two allies, US-India ties under Trump have been much more transactional and driven by optics, given his winner-takes-all worldview and incapability to see beyond the news cycle. This faulty approach has hurt Indian interests on numerous fronts, whether it’s trade, energy, defense, or immigration. Now, as former Vice President Joe Biden seeks to challenge Trump in the upcoming November vote, can he improve US-India relations?

The short and simple answer is yes. Over the course of his entire career, Joe Biden has been a consistent and vocal supporter of strong bilateral relations between the two nations. As chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) in the early 2000s, Biden strongly advocated for the lifting of Pokhran-related sanctions on India, supporting the Bush administration’s decision to undertake a major shift in Washington’s approach towards a nuclear India. In 2008, he also helped secure Congressional approval for the US-India civil nuclear agreement, which provides US assistance to India’s civilian nuclear energy program, and expands cooperation in energy and satellite technology.

Recognizing the potential risks of alienating an important strategic ally and trading partner in Asia, then-Senator Biden emphasized the need to treat India as “a great nation”, and to work towards overcoming the “decades of mistrust and suspicion” between the two sides. On the US-India relationship, he said: “This is the single most important relationship that we have to get right for our own safety’s sake,” adding that “in 2020, the two closest nations will be India and the US”.  

As the driving force behind President Obama’s foreign policy agenda from 2009-2017, Vice President Joe Biden played a crucial role in bringing New Delhi into Washington’s fold. Strengthening the strategic partnership between the two allies was a top priority for the Obama-Biden administration, as the two countries introduced a number of initiatives to mark progress on issues relating to trade, infrastructure, immigration, clean energy and climate change cooperation, and defense coordination.

This progress has been significantly compromised due to the aggressive and ad-hoc foreign policy approach pursued by the Trump administration, which has resulted in the failure of the US to deliver on any of its commitments. Withdrawing from the Paris Climate Accords meant that promises made to India on clean energy partnerships were abandoned. Likewise, Trump’s hostility towards Russia, Iran, and China has complicated India’s ties with Moscow and Tehran and has left India to deal with an emboldened and belligerent Beijing that has not shied away from making territorial claims in eastern Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Similarly, Trump’s impatience to get out of Afghanistan could also have consequences for Indian national security, in that it could increase fears of heightened cross-border terrorism, as the Afghan peace deal largely relies on the Taliban honoring their commitment to peace. Moreover, his clampdown on pathways to legal immigration by employing a xenophobic and chaotic approach to the issue has further strained relations between the two, due to the hundreds of thousands of Indian immigrants affected.

A Biden presidency could perhaps remedy this break. His career and foreign policy views point to a leader keen on building a long-term US-India partnership, which should be reassuring to New Delhi. He sees China as a primary strategic challenge to the US, which makes India a geopolitically vital partner in addressing that problem. During an address on India’s Independence Day this year, Biden swore to stand with New Delhi in confronting the “new threats it faces from its own region and along its borders”. He also puts climate change, terrorism, and global health security as overarching international concerns, which more closely aligns with Indian policy priorities. On immigration and trade, Biden promises to be more liberal, fair, rational, and systematic, which would only facilitate closer and more productive relations between the two nations.

On immigration specifically, Trump’s suspension of H1-B visas in June dealt a serious blow to Indian professionals as Indian nationals receive the largest portion (nearly 70%) of the 85,000 H1-B visas issued each year. Industry experts even urged the Trump administration to reconsider the move, stressing that it would adversely impact the US economy, since these visas allowed for the US to acquire high skilled staff on Wall Street, in Silicon Valley, and in hospitals and pharmaceutical companies, among others. In contrast, Biden’s campaign has labeled  Trump’s policies “draconian” and a “national shame”, and has vowed to support expanding the number of high-skilled visas and eliminate the limits on employment-based visas by country. Biden’s manifesto also states that he will work with Congress to increase the number of visas awarded for permanent, employment-based immigration, which is sure to please Indian immigrants.

That being said, a Biden administration could also bring tough criticism of India’s domestic policies under Modi. Both Biden and his running mate, California Senator Kamala Harris—who is of Indian descent—have expressed disappointment over India’s abrogation of article 370 in Kashmir, the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the implementation of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam.

Ms. Harris—who made history with her nomination as the first Black and South Asian American woman on a majority party ticket and has not shied away from taking strong positions on international law and order, and human rights—in September 2019 said that “Kashmiris are not alone in the world” and warned India: “We are watching”. A few months later, in December 2019, Harris supported fellow Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, who was refused a meeting with Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar due to a resolution she had introduced in the House about the situation in Kashmir. “It’s wrong for any foreign government to tell Congress what members are allowed in meetings on Capitol Hill,” Ms. Harris said in a tweet. Even though Biden is expected to take the lead on all matters relating to foreign policy and national security (given his vast experience and her lack thereof), a Biden-Harris administration will most likely not give India a free pass on such perceived missteps. Furthermore, the grand ‘Howdy Modi’ and ‘Namaste Trump’ events, which have created a perception of closeness between the Modi and Trump, could also lead to some turbulence between the parties on these issues.

New Delhi seems to be cognizant of this potential friction and has thus far stayed mum about the Biden-Harris ticket, despite a show of enthusiasm from some state leaders about a fellow Indian making history in US politics. Tamil Nadu Deputy Chief Minister O. Panneerselvam called Ms. Harris’ nomination a “moment of pride for Indians, especially for the people of Tamil Nadu”, as her mother originally hailed from Chennai. However, the Indian Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) has said that the government would not make any statement on the topic, since it could signal some kind of interference in the US’ internal matters. MEA spokesperson Anurag Srivastava said, “In general [the government of India] would not like to comment on the electoral process of any other country.”

Nevertheless, a Biden-Harris government is still something for India to look forward to. A US government willing to lead a strong multilateral system, invest in and maintain robust alliances, as well as support multilateral organizations and processes could bring, at the very least, long-sought-after stability and maturity to not just Indo-US ties, but the entire international system, which has been elusive under Trump’s erraticism over the last four years.

Author

Janhavi Apte

Former Senior Editor

Janhavi holds a B.A. in International Studies from FLAME and an M.A. in International Affairs from The George Washington University.