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As India faces new challenges to its internal stability and security, it is imperative for the Indian state to not ignore the ghosts of its past. Protests against legislative measures on citizenship and the perceived majoritarian policies of the Central government have widened societal divisions to seemingly unprecedented levels. However, there are also parallels between India's past and present. Moreover, some of those movements have gained traction once more. 

Although Sikh separatism and the Khalistan movement is largely considered to be dead in India, it is slowly finding its footing in pockets of the Sikh diaspora abroad. Separatist groups who call openly for secession from the Union of India, seem to thrive in western countries, especially Canada, the US, and the United Kingdom. These open, multicultural societies allow them to more easily express such controversial opinions. In Canada for example, Sikh extremism and the security implications of the consolidations of these movements have been understated and always downplayed as these communities are seen as voting blocks, who no party wants to lose. Moreover, the sheer size of these communities has ensured that their concerns remain heard. The Sikh population forms less than two percent of Canada’s ­total population, but the community is concentrated in swing states and constituencies, and thus has a major impact on electoral outcomes. 

Fears of the revival of these political movements, and potential ensuing violence, is spreading in the halls of power in New Delhi. Indian agencies have come to the conclusion that it would not be prudent to just look away as these forces gain strength.  This is validated by the recent arrest of an Indian couple made by the German police accused of spying on behalf of the Indian intelligence agency, Research & Analysis Wing. The couple, who were incidentally of Sikh descent, were told to monitor the Sikh diaspora and report on the internal affairs of Sikh temples. This is the second case in Germany itself since last year, combined with two similar instances where Indian recruited local agents have been caught in Bangladesh for passing on information to Indian agencies. 

Indian espionage also has come under the scanner in other countries and seems to have become a factor in the domestic politics of those countries.

For example, the World Sikh Organisation in Canada used the incident in Germany to raise concerns of Indian interference in its letter to the Canadian Public Safety Minister, Ralph Goodale. This has generated fear of covert Indian influence and hostile state activity in Canada.

Bilateral relations and trust between India and Canada were tested last year when Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who's already accused of being soft on Sikh separatism, visited India. Controversy erupted when a man convicted of trying to assassinate an Indian cabinet minister in 1986 was invited to dine with the Trudeaus at a formal event organised by the Canadian High Commission. What was of significance was not the event itself but what transpired after that back in Canada. Ministers in the Trudeau government and the Prime Minister himself said that according to Canadian intelligence agencies, this was all orchestrated by Indian officials to embarrass the Canadian side.

Furthermore, earlier this year, before the general elections in Canada, the Canadian intelligence agencies briefed all federal parties about 6 foreign countries trying to influence electoral outcomes. Out of those six, the high ranking Canadian bureaucrats singled out China and India for indulging in “old school spying” activities by using their diasporas to advance their own goals and influence Canada’s policies.

Although some might term actions by Indian agencies as trying to suppress dissent and being overly paranoid, recent attempts by Pakistan to escalate tensions do justify some of these actions. Pakistani agents have allegedly created domestic instability and social unrest along its the Punjab border with India by targeting religious leaders and increasing drug trafficking and weapons deliveries. Since 2015, there have been 150 incidents of sacrilege of holy scripture in Punjab; further, 6 terror modules have been caught in the state. The Indian side is also wary of the opening of the Kartarpur corridor by Pakistan acting as a conduit to recruit Sikh pilgrims. Since 2004, multiple Sikh locals have been recruited while they were visiting Pakistan on pilgrimage to the 18 holy Sikh shrines.

What is also worrying for New Delhi is the growing reach of these forces, both at home and abroad. Through effective social media promotion and support from Sikh artists, the movement for a separate Sikh homeland in India has gained momentum both online and on the ground. The online secessionist “Referendum 2020” campaign, for instance, gained a lot of traction and generated debates in Punjab. The Sikh For Justice (SFJ) group, banned by India this year, has found local support. In fact, the Punjab police registered 11 cases against locals who gave logistical and monetary support to the SFJ, suggesting that its presence now extends beyond the virtual world. As their headquarters are in New York, one might dismiss the allegation that it is backed by Pakistan's intelligence agency, ISI, as Indian propaganda. However, recent reports suggest that the Pakistani government allocated land for SJF to open their permanent office in Lahore and let SFJ start their registrations at Panja Sahib Gurdwara in Pakistan, where Sikhs from around the globe will be visiting to pay obeisance during the 320th Khalsa Sajna Diwas. 

Offshore radicalism and Sikh separatism is not a new phenomenon in Canada. What concerns the Indian government is how these radical elements are supported by, and represented within, Canadian leadership. For example, Jagmeet Singh, leader of the opposition, the New Democratic Party (NDP), has been seen at separatist rallies that celebrate the martyrdom of Sikh militant leaders. Moreover, he has repeatedly refused to condemn the Kanishka bombings and the mastermind Talwinder Singh Parmar.

With much of the international community's focus on India's actions in Kashmir, Khalistan movements have traditionally received less coverage. However, such movements present a multitude of dangers both to India and foreign countries. For example, the “2018 Public Report of Terrorism Threat to Canada”, which is prepared by the government department of Public Safety of Canada, caused a huge furore when it named “Sikh extremism” as one of the five threats to Canadian security. Following the release of the report, the Liberal Party of Justin Trudeau was forced into retreat, removing eight references to Sikh extremism and six to Khalistani extremism in the report.

The retractions were particularly of note as it came before the Federal elections, depicting how efficient and powerful Indian lobbying groups have become in Canadian politics. In fact, the report was conveniently updated just one day before Trudeau was scheduled to visit a Vaisakhi Parade at a gurudwara in Vancouver.

Domestic compulsions, the complicity of the top leadership of Canada, growing fear of sinister Pakistani designs, combined with the increasing voice of these groups, have forced India to take the Khalistani threat very seriously. Simultaneously, however, it threatens to destabilize bilateral relations between India and Canada, as seen in the messaging and language used by Ottawa officials. Banning Indian diplomats and officials from visiting most gurudwaras on the insistence on Sikh groups who see them as spies only damages relations further. Although some would suggest this is nothing compared to the lowest point of the relationship between the two countries–seen in 1986 when Sikh extremists blew up Air India 182, killing 329 passengers–the trajectory of the relationship is only going downhill.

As international criticism mounts for its actions in Kashmir and its proposed citizenship legislation, India must assess the ramifications of its espionage activities. It remains to be seen whether covert, or overt as in the case of Canada, Indian influence over domestic politics in foreign countries begins to be seen as interference. Simultaneously, Canada must balance appeasing a significant local Khalistani voter base with appeasing the Indian government. 

Reference List

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Berthiaume, L. (2020). Top federal officials warned China, India could use communities in Canada to advance agendas. Retrieved 6 January 2020, from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/canada/article-top-officials-warned-china-india-could-use-communities-in-canada-to/ 

Gupta, S. (2020). Pakistan’s push to Khalistan campaign concerns India. Retrieved 6 January 2020, from https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/pak-s-push-to-khalistan-campaign-concerns-india/story-gOUqOv2ebnBW5YDAGbDACL.html 

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Pandya, A. (2020). Revival of Khalistan militancy in Punjab | HW English. Retrieved 6 January 2020, from https://hwnews.in/columnist/abhinav-pandya/sikh-terrorism-2-0/84351 

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Sehgal, M. (2020). Canada drops reference to Sikh extremism from terror threat report. Retrieved 6 January 2020, from https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/sikh-extremism-canada-1502089-2019-04-15 

Image Source: Wired UK

Author

Rishap Vats

Former Writer