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Why Are African Countries Seeking Greater Ties With Turkey?

Turkey is providing African countries with a wealth of new opportunities and an alternative to the traps, sacrifices, and preconditions that come with China and the United States.

December 29, 2021
Why Are African Countries Seeking  Greater Ties With Turkey?
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan (M) with his Congolese counterpart Félix Tshisekedi (L) and AU chief Moussa Faki during the 3rd Africa-Turkey Summit, Istanbul.
IMAGE SOURCE: TURKISH PRESIDENCY

From December 16-18, the heads of states of 16 African countries, along with ministers and representatives from the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), gathered in Istanbul to attend the third Africa-Turkey Partnership Summit. Turkey has been trying for years to strengthen ties and expand its footprint in the continent and African countries have been largely welcoming of Ankara’s overtures.

Countries like Ethiopia, Somalia, Morocco, Libya, and Mali, and others could seek to leverage Turkey’s attempt to become a major player in Africa. For instance, while Turkey seeks closer ties with Libya to secure its energy interests in the Mediterranean, for Tripoli, closer ties with Ankara afford it a strong military partner that can thwart emerging threats.

To this end, Turkey often refers to itself as an “Afro-Eurasian state,” a term that even Erdoğan embraces. Carlos Lopes, the former chief of the United Nations Economic Commission in Africa, said earlier this year that Turkey’s “footprint in Africa is getting larger than most European countries in a very short period of time.” In fact, its diplomatic presence in Africa has risen from 12 embassies in 2005 to 43 in 2021. Crucially President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has been to the continent 30 times since 2004, more than any other leader of a non-African state. Due to these continued efforts, Turkish Airlines now serves almost 40 countries. Furthermore, Ankara has rapidly increased its cultural interaction with the continent, most notably by providing education to more than 17,000 students in 26 countries through 175 educational institutions set up by the government’s Maarif Foundation. 

The driving force behind Turkey’s push into Africa is its defence exports. According to estimates, Turkey’s arms sales to Africa rose by a whopping 700% in the first 11 months of 2021, from $41 million in 2020 to $328 million. It has already signed bilateral agreements with Tanzania, Sudan, Uganda, Benin, and the Ivory Coast to cooperate in defence manufacturing.

Among the exports, Turkish drones, in particular the Bayraktar TB2, are gaining popularity. For instance, Angola, Tunisia, and Morocco have all expressed interest in purchasing Turkish drones, especially after Bayraktars helped Azerbaijan cruise to a comprehensive victory against Armenia in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war.

The Bayraktar Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) was also significant in turning the tide in favour of the Turkish-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) during the Libyan civil war. Similarly, the Ethiopian government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed relied on Bayraktars to force the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) rebels to retreat back to the Tigray region earlier this month.

Moreover, Turkish drones are much cheaper compared to their competitors. For instance, the Bayraktar TB2 costs around $2 million per unit, while an American Protector drone costs nearly $20 million. This unique combination of cost-effectiveness and quality has made Turkish UAVs uniquely attractive to several African countries.

Apart from military ties, Turkey’s economic relations with Africa have been on an upward path. It is estimated that bilateral trade between Ankara and African countries rose from $5.5 billion in 2005 to $23.8 billion in 2018; Turkish exports jumped by 579% during the same period. In addition, Turkish foreign direct investment in the continent went from $100 million in 2003 to $6.5 billion in 2021.

During the second Africa-Turkey Partnership Summit in Equatorial Guinea in 2014, Ankara stressed that Turkish companies would work on trade, security, infrastructure, and education projects in Africa. Turkey has even set up a Turkey-Africa Economic and Business Forum to oversee the implementation of such projects. According to the Institute for Security Studies, Turkey “has shown a China-like propensity for building large state infrastructure” in African countries, including an Olympic swimming pool in Senegal, a port and a military base in Somalia, a large mosque in Djibouti, and the ongoing construction of an airport in Sudan. This investment directly translates to greater employment opportunities for thousands of Africans and makes possible the availability of better-quality goods. Against this backdrop, Erdoğan promised during the Istanbul Summit that Turkey “will continue to incentivise Turkish companies doing business in Africa.”

Simultaneously, the active interest shown by Turkey to boost economic ties with the continent gives African countries the option to seek a variety of investment sources, rather than depending on a select few countries like the United States or China. For instance, while China has committed billions of dollars to African public sector borrowers for economic and social infrastructure projects, African countries are becoming increasingly wary of the Asian giant’s predatory lending practices and are afraid of being mired in an unsustainable debt trap.

Several African countries have found it difficult to repay loans taken from China; Beijing has faced repeated accusations that it is trying to leverage Africa’s debt burden by taking ownership of valuable assets like land and critical infrastructure. In this respect, Turkey’s promise of a “win-win” policy of “mutual empowerment based on equality, transparency, and sustainability” offers a more palatable alternative.

Finally, ties between several African countries and traditional allies like the United States (US) and France have recently soured, leading them to strengthen their alliance with Turkey. For instance, Ethiopia has repeatedly accused the US of falsely accusing Ethiopian troops of committing human rights abuses in Tigray and turning a blind eye to atrocities committed by the TPLF. Similarly, Addis Ababa was furious when Washington imposed sanctions on military staff. Consequently, Ethiopia has sought greater ties with Turkey, which has helped the North African country to make substantial gains in the war against the Tigrayan rebels. Likewise, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has said that the US’ excessive focus on “lecturing” and establishing ideological symmetries has created a disconnect.

Nevertheless, despite Turkey making rapid strides, it still lags behind the US’ ability to provide billions in humanitarian and military support. Furthermore, despite trade rising to record levels, it is nowhere close to matching the hundreds of billions of dollars provided by China for infrastructure projects. However, this does not preclude Turkey from forming mutually beneficial ties, and at the same time allows African countries greater manoeuvrability and independence by diversifying their diplomatic, defence, and trade portfolios.

Author

Andrew Pereira

Senior Editor