!-- Google tag (gtag.js) -->

Though no United States (US) president in recent history has been able to avoid confronting the Israel-Palestine issue, Joe Biden’s administration has made it amply clear that its foreign policy priorities lie elsewhere. Since taking office in January, Biden has consistently emphasised his vision to shift the US’ attention from the post-9/11 Middle East-focused era to current (and bigger) priorities, which include managing increasing competition from China, countering a belligerent Russia, curbing Iran’s nuclear ambitions, and combatting climate change and global health crises.

To this end, Biden has initiated the end of the US’ intervention in Afghanistan, halted Washington’s support for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen, and sought to move away from the “maximum pressure” campaign to engage with Iran and revive the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). As for the Israel-Palestine issue, the president has opted for more of a distant approach, routinely expressing support for a two-state solution while making no real effort to push the parties towards one. However, the latest upsurge in violence in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem is testing the US’ strategy and forcing Biden to do the one thing he had hoped to avoid: entangle himself in an impossible conflict.

Of course, it isn’t surprising that Biden has taken little interest in pursuing a peace agreement between the two sides. All of his predecessors have failed to bring about a solution to the crisis, and over the years, with the parties’ uncompromising attitudes and intense distrust of one another, it has become painfully clear that any meaningful negotiations in the short-term are highly unlikely. Additionally, any attempt by the new administration to take up the issue would have to be significantly different from that of the former president, who adopted a policy of unwavering support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and unabashed hostility towards the Palestinians. With the US working hard to maintain and further dialogue with Tehran about its nuclear ambitions (which is already a sticky issue with the Israelis), the Biden administration was perhaps also wary of irking a crucial ally while tackling a key national security challenge.

The problem with this “hands-off” approach, however, is that it seeks to portray neutrality that is completely disconnected from the current political reality. The US cannot pretend that it is not already deeply involved in the Israeli-Palestine conflict. Washington provides $3.8 billion dollars in military aid to Israel annually, and through this unswerving support (a product of an extremely powerful domestic lobby) has actively worked to preserve the status quo in favour of Israel. Over the years, the US has consistently (and fiercely) shielded Israel from what it calls “biased” and “unfair” criticism in international fora, essentially allowing the Netanyahu government to evade all accountability and take aggressive actions (e.g. the expansion of settlements in the West Bank and forced evictions of Palestinians in Sheikh Jarrah) that have made a two-state solution to the crisis virtually unattainable. And the failure, or rather unwillingness, to acknowledge this reality has created challenges for the administration in responding to the situation effectively.

Though the current government campaigned on the promise of dismantling Trump’s harmful legacy, a clearly defined new approach to deal with the Israeli-Palestine situation remains largely elusive. The intensifying violence in recent weeks has therefore left the administration scrambling. Unlike his predecessor, Biden also has no special envoy for Middle East peace, or ambassadors in Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA), which has only attracted more criticism about its inability to engage with both parties (especially Palestinians) and manage the crisis. Though the US deployed a top diplomat to the region earlier this week in a bid to encourage de-escalation and “bring calm,” experts have said that establishing a proper diplomatic presence in the region will be important to ensure continued dialogue.

Washington must also exert more pressure on the Israeli government over its egregious settlement expansion in the West Bank and the forced evictions of Palestinians in Jerusalem. While US presidents have traditionally shied away from hounding Tel Aviv over its territorial claims (due to unfaltering domestic support for Israel), the opinions on the issue are now changing, most notably within the Democratic Party itself.

In the face of Trump’s strong alliance with Netanyahu, the party has moved left on Israel in recent years, with many within the US leadership (and the general public) recognising that it is possible to support the country while also questioning its policies and principles. Against this backdrop, Mark Perry, a senior analyst at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, says that if Bides makes it clear to Netanyahu that US support for Israel is strong but not unconditional (as is with every other US ally), it could incentivise the Israeli government to take real steps to reduce tensions. Not only will this signal a change in step for the US, but it will also demonstrate Washington’s seriousness to fulfil its promise to reorient its foreign policy around human rights. Simply put, the US cannot credibly call out China for its treatment of the Uighurs if it does not take a stand against Israel’s treatment of Palestinians.

Whether Biden takes such an approach though, remains to be seen. Nuclear talks with Iran have clearly been the administration’s priority, so it will have to make a calculation on how to move forward without jeopardising those discussions. However, the US has to move swiftly. Violence in the region has reached levels not seen since the 2014 war, and if a truce is not negotiated in an urgent manner, the situation could escalate into a protracted conflict, exacting devastating consequences on innocent civilians.

Author

Janhavi Apte

Former Senior Editor

Janhavi holds a B.A. in International Studies from FLAME and an M.A. in International Affairs from The George Washington University.