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Taiwan’s Aspirations to Join the World Health Assembly Remain as Far-Fetched as Ever

Support for Taiwan to participate in the WHA has never been higher. Yet, it appears no closer to gaining representation in the council than it was 50 years ago.

June 28, 2022

Author

Chaarvi Modi
Taiwan’s Aspirations to Join the World Health Assembly Remain as Far-Fetched as Ever
IMAGE SOURCE: CNA FILE PHOTO

Taiwan’s hopes of joining the World Health Assembly (WHA), the decision-making body of the World Health Organisation (WHO), were quashed once again on May 23, after China lobbied hard against the move. Taiwan, which China considers to be part of its own territory, has been vying for a seat in the assembly since 1971, when mainland China took away its seat at the assembly. Beijing has time and again argued that the territory is its own and should therefore be solely represented by mainland China. The debate has gained further momentum against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic, as Taiwan’s successful management of the outbreak has garnered international commendation. Yet, despite the island’s obvious potential to contribute to international public health discourse, Taipei appears no closer to gaining representation in the health council than it was 50 years ago.

Taiwan gained observer status in the WHA in 2009 under the name “Chinese Taipei.” However, it lost its seat in 2016 after Taiwanese strongman President Ma Ying-jeou left office and was replaced by President Tsai-ing Wen, who has taken a much harder stance against China. Since losing representation in the council, support for the autonomous region’s “meaningful participation” at the WHA has never been higher. This year, 13 member countries, including high-profile allies such as the United States (US), Japan, and the United Kingdom (UK), submitted a proposal supporting the island’s bid to participate.

In fact, as proof of its strengthened resolve to counter Chinese influence over the territory, Washington recently signed a bill into law that requires the Secretary of State to formulate a strategy for the self-governing island to regain its observer status. The US’ overwhelming support for the island’s participation was also clear in the voting, with all 425 congressional representatives voting in favour; the bill then received Senate approval in August. In further evidence of this bipartisan support for the island nation, the Biden administration has kept in place the Taiwan Allies International Protection and Enhancement Initiative (TAIPEI) Act passed in 2019 under the Trump government; the act effectively prevents countries from breaking ties with Taiwan.

In fact, Taiwan’s international support is not limited to just Washington. In May, the Czech Senate passed a resolution calling for Taiwan’s admittance to the WHA as an observer. The World Medical Association made the same demand in an open letter in April. However, despite this rise in support, Taipei has failed to move any closer to securing its position.

Membership, which is the highest form of participation, would help Taiwan to be viewed as an independent state. However, 161 of 198 countries in the Assembly have formal diplomatic relations with China and, by extension, also recognise the one-China policy. The policy is the diplomatic acceptance of China’s status as the sole legitimate government of Taiwan and thus prevents them from acknowledging that Taiwan is independent of China. The largely global acceptance of this policy gives Beijing the right to represent both mainland China and Taiwan in international organisations, which limit membership to formally recognised states.

In fact, Taiwan has official diplomatic relations with only 14 countries in the world, 13 of which are UN members, down from 15 after Nicaragua severed ties last December. While more countries, such as Lithuania, have formed friendly relations with the island, its official acceptance as a sovereign state is and continues to remain extremely narrow. This gives Taiwan extremely limited opportunities and platforms to make its case to be accepted as a member of the WHA and indeed other international fora. In this respect, widespread adherence to the one-China principle as well as China’s growing influence over international organisations serve as a significant roadblock.

Moreover, since the onset of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, international political analysts have grown increasingly concerned that China could seek to take similar action in Taiwan. In fact, Beijing has warned on several past occasions that reunification is only a matter of time and could be achieved via force if necessary.

Although both countries have dismissed the parallels between Ukraine and Taiwan, it appears that China remains steadfastly focused on reunification. Admiral Philip Davidson, the former head of the US Indo-Pacific Command, predicted last year that China will attempt to invade Taiwan in six years. Mirroring this prediction, Jin Canrong, a Chinese professor of international studies at the Renmin University of China, opined that the 2027 deadline also has a very symbolic value for the Communist Party, as it will mark the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Moreover, Chinese President Xi Jinping has explicitly called on the PLA to fully modernise itself by 2027. 

To this end, China sent 51 military aircraft into Taiwan’s ADIZ in June alone, including 32 fighter jets and seven bombers. If China continues to build on these intimidatory measures, the question of Taiwan’s participation in the WHA may become irrelevant, as Beijing has stressed that reunification is a matter of when, not if. For an illustration of how Taiwan’s political autonomy may be slowly eroded, one need look no further than Hong Kong, where it has introduced the: national security law to arrest protesters; the Basic Law to ensure that only “patriots” vetted by Beijing can contest elections; and the Loyalty Law to criminally prosecute politicians who are found to be violating their oath of loyalty to Beijing.

In this respect, Taiwan’s aspirations for a seat in world bodies may take a back seat to its larger objective of survival against a seemingly inevitable Chinese takeover or invasion.

Moreover, on the international front, even allied nations have made clear that they are unwilling to risk the wrath of China by siding with Taiwan. Therefore, u
nless the UN relaxes the rigidity in its framework or several more countries lobby for Taiwan’s participation by abandoning their adherence to the one-China principle, the island’s window for participation will continue to remain as narrow as it is now. Given Taiwan’s invaluable and unique experience and expertise in tackling pandemics, its continued exclusion from such forums not only strengthens China’s resolve and lends international legitimacy to its territorial claims but also undermines the global community’s ability to tackle future public health crises, which, too, appear inevitable. 

Author

Chaarvi Modi

Assistant Editor

Chaarvi holds a Gold Medal for BA (Hons.) in International Relations with a Diploma in Liberal Studies from the Pandit Deendayal Petroleum University and an MA in International Affairs from the Pennsylvania State University.