In a historic moment on August 29, Israeli Defence Minister Benny Gantz met with Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas in Ramallah, the first meeting between Abbas and a senior Israeli official in over a decade. Gantz announced a series of goodwill gestures for Palestinians after the meeting, including a $155 million loan; according to later reports, he also expressed support for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Gantz’s visit comes as the new Israeli government undertakes a string of measures aimed at improving ties with the PA and boosting its image among Palestinians. Between 2016 and 2018, only 21 of the 1,485 Palestinian applications for construction permits in Area C were okayed by the Ministry. Yet, in a marked change from previous governments, the Defence Ministry recently approved the construction of 1,000 Palestinian homes in Area C of the West Bank in August. Israel also announced its intention of issuing an additional 16,000 work permits for Palestinians working in the Israeli construction and hotel industries. Furthermore, Israel and the PA have started talks on introducing 4G technology in the West Bank.
With regards to Gaza, Israel has taken steps to ease the 14-year-old Egyptian-Israeli blockade on the enclave, including the extension of Gaza’s fishing zone to 15 nautical miles and the opening of the Kerem Shalom crossing for the import of construction material. Additionally, Israel has approved a Qatari funding scheme with the help of the United Nations to provide cash to nearly 100,000 Gazans.
These measures represent a major shift from the policies of the previous government, which had largely neglected the Palestinian question and had taken unilateral measures that angered the Palestinian leadership and public. Settlement construction continued unabated during ex-Prime Minister (PM) Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership and the situation in Gaza went from bad to worse. During Netanyahu’s term in office, Israel fought one full-scale war with Hamas in Gaza in 2014 and engaged in major skirmishes with the militant group in 2012 and 2021. Netanyahu’s period in office also witnessed the construction of new settlement units in the West Bank and a proposal to annex the West Bank, which led to Palestine officially severing ties with Israel in 2020.
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Against this backdrop, the new government’s approach is a welcome change and its engagement with the PA could lead to a resumption of peace talks, which have been dormant since 2014. The essential ingredient for any dispute resolution initiative is the presence of goodwill among all sides involved, which both Israel and Palestine lacked the last time they were at the negotiating table. On the one hand, the Israelis accused the Palestinians of lacking the will to reach a settlement, and on the other hand, Palestine insisted on certain preconditions before the talks even began, ultimately leading to the collapse of negotiations. In this regard, Israel’s latest attempts at dealing with the PA can be seen as an effort to re-establish goodwill and trust, and a potential springboard for resuming negotiations.
Other than the possibility that these new measures could lead to negotiations, several parallel factors have also propelled Israel to continue taking steps to improve ties with Palestine.
Firstly, the fact that these measures have been supported by many Palestinians should provide motivation for Israel to continue them. According to a poll conducted by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR) in September, a majority of 56% of Palestinians consider these confidence-building measures to be positive.
Next, Israel could build on this Palestinian support to limit Hamas’ influence in the West Bank. Following the May war between Israel and Hamas, the fundamentalist group witnessed a surge in support in the Palestinian territories at the expense of the PA. Per the PCPSR poll, 67% of Palestinians believe that Hamas launched rockets at Israel in defence of the Islamic holy sites in Jerusalem. Also, 45% view Hamas as the “most deserving” of leading Palestine, while only 19% had the same view of the Abbas government. Israel would want to contain this surge in support for Hamas and increase engagement with the PA, which is considered a bulwark against the Islamist militia group by Israeli and Western leaders.
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Easing tensions with Palestine could also allow Israel to focus more on the Iranian threat as their covert conflict deepens, with a rise in tit-for-tat attacks on land, and in the sea and air. Furthermore, Israel is increasingly concerned about the presence of Iranian proxies in its neighbourhood—Hezbollah in Lebanon and Iran-backed militias in Syria. To effectively contain Iran, Israel has to limit violent uprisings in Gaza and the West Bank, and the recent Israeli efforts are a good place to start.
Finally, Israel’s measures come as the United States administration pressures it to halt steps that “risk sparking violence” and resume efforts to achieve a two-state solution. Similarly, Egypt and Jordan have urged Israel to return to the negotiating table with the Palestinians. In this context, the Israeli government’s recent steps demonstrate its keenness to improve ties with Washington, Cairo, and Amman.
However, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been a sensitive issue and a small misstep by either party could derail all efforts towards resuming negotiations, especially since the path towards peace is littered with roadblocks.
The Israeli government must realise that the greatest threat to restoring dialogue comes from within. Israel’s current government is a patchwork of ideologically diverse parties from the left, right, and centre, and is far from united regarding the question of Palestine. For instance, while the coalition’s Meretz party supports a two-state solution, Israeli PM Naftali Bennett remains opposed to the establishment of a Palestinian state. The current coalition also hangs by a razor-thin margin, as it was voted in by a majority of just one vote. Given this predicament, it is possible that the coalition could fall apart, bringing down the government and ending any already slim possibilities for peace.
Another challenge for Israel is the declining popularity of the PA in the West Bank, as 59% of Palestinians see it as a burden. Furthermore, Abbas has been criticised for meeting with Israeli officials and there is widespread anger in the West Bank against the PA’s crackdown on dissent and its violations of human rights. Any loss for the PA in the West Bank is a potential gain for Hamas, a factor that could act as a major stumbling block in resuming peace talks.
Hamas could also favour violent tactics when dealing with Israel, especially since a lot of Palestinians see the militant group as the only actor capable of launching an armed resistance against Israel. This would lead to a cycle of violence and result in a significant loss of lives, something that would put an end to any hopes of negotiations for months or even years.
To ensure that such a situation does not happen, both sides have to take several confidence-building measures, including reaching an agreement on conducting Palestinian elections. Israel should also take additional steps to further ease the Gaza blockade, and incentivise the PA, especially by providing it with more aid and funding, to take steps to mend its declining popularity in the West Bank. Ultimately, it is up to Israel and the PA to continue to engage and ensure that the current momentum is maintained, keeping in mind that small steps would go a long way towards rebuilding trust and reviving peace negotiations.